William Saunders on History of Vocational vs. Comprehensive Education
This history of vocational education was provided by William
Saunders, apparently with the U.S. Department of Education. It was
published on another listserve today. I have emphasized selected
text, especially in light of the federal school-to-work initiative.
\doc\web\98\07\vocat.txt
Date sent: Mon, 28 Sep 1998 21:52:19 -0500 (CDT)
To: "ClearingHouse"
From: "eca@fastlane.net"
Subject: [education-consumers] SMITH-HUGHES ACT OF 1917
Send reply to: "ClearingHouse"
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This history of vocational education was provided by William
Saunders, apparently with the U.S. Department of Education. It was
published on another listserve today. I have emphasized selected
text, especially in light of the federal school-to-work initiative.
Jeanne Donovan, Coordinator
Texas Education Consumers Assoc.
http://www.fastlane.net/~eca
eca@fastlane.net
============================================================================
The first vocational education act was titled the Smith-Hughes Act of
1917. Several specific elements of the Act contributed to the
isolation of vocational education from other parts of the
comprehensive high school curriculum.
Separate State Boards for Vocational Education
In order to receive Federal funds under Smith-Hughes, each State was
required to establish a State board for vocational
education, "...having all necessary powers to cooperate... with the
Federal Board for Vocational Education." Each State board
was required to establish a plan:
" showing the kinds of vocational education for which it is proposed
that the appropriation shall be used; the kinds of schools and
equipment; courses of study; methods of instruction; qualifications of
teachers;...plans for the training of teachers....Such plans shall be
submitted by the State Board to the Federal Board of Vocational
Education. The State Board shall make an annual report to the Federal
Board for Vocational Education...on the work done in the State and the
receipts and expenditures of money under the provisions of this Act."
(Section 8)
The term "State plan" has been a misnomer from the outset. The plan does not arise from State policy and leadership, but from
the mandates contained in the Federal law. The plan was not intended,
and did not serve to establish State priorities, describe
organizational systems, identify State goals, activities, or
accountability mechanisms. Instead, the purpose was to serve as a
contract between the State and Federal governments, assuring adherence
to Federal requirements and procedures.
The requirement to establish a Board of Vocational Education in some
States led to the establishment of a board separate from
the State Board of Education. Thus two separate governance structures
could exist at the State level. This in turn fostered the
notion of vocational schools as separate and distinct from general
secondary schools, and of vocational education as separate
from "academic" education.
Separation of Funds
Smith-Hughes spelled out the Federal Government's intent that
vocational teachers should be "...persons who have had
adequate vocational experience or contact in the line of work..."
(Section 12) in which they were to hold classes. Federal
funds, as well as State and local funds for vocational education, as
specified in the State plans, could be spent on salaries of
teachers with vocational experience, but not on salaries of academic
teachers. Although the Act's intent was to avoid "raiding"
of vocational funds by other segments of the comprehensive high
school, the result was to separate the vocational education
program from the mainstream of a school's operations.
Segregation of Vocational Education Students
The key restrictive section of the Act applied, however, not to
teachers but to students. Smith-Hughes required that schools or
classes giving instruction "to persons who have not entered upon
employment shall require that at least half of the time of such
instruction shall be given to practical work of a useful or productive
basis, such instruction to extend over not less than nine
months per year and not less than thirty hours per week." (Section 12)
Thus, the law required the following: if a high school
student was taught one class by a teacher paid in full or in part from
Federal vocational funds, that same student could receive
no more than fifty per cent academic instruction. The Federal
Vocational Board was quickly able to extend the control of
students' time to what came to be known as the 50-25-25 rule: 50 per
cent time in shop work; twenty-five per cent in closely
related subjects, and twenty-five per cent in academic course work.
This rule became a universal feature of State plans from
the 1920's to the early 1960's.
The 1917 Act was virtually silent on manpower projections and on
centralized assignment of training quotas to school districts.
If the driving force of the Act was labor shortages, one would expect
to contain processes to identify shortages and
time-controlled means to meet them. Surely the 50-25-25 pro-ration of
students' time fits the development of some kinds of
skills better than others. The inflexibility of the provision was a
handicap, not an advantage, in a national policy of work force
preparation. The ultimate effect of the Act, although never stated
explicitly, was to identify certain students and teachers as
"vocational," and to protect the salaries of the latter through
reserving for them (exclusively) certain amounts of Federal money
matched by State and local contributions. One may reasonably assume
that the authorities saw programs of practical instruction
so endangered from a dominant academic elite that they required such protection by Federal law. The end result, however,
was to segregate academic teachers and students from vocational
teachers and students and to strengthen the social alienation
that early critics of these steps had feared.
Segregation of the Curriculum
Predictably, vocational teachers emphasized job-specific skills to the
almost complete exclusion of theoretical content. One
result was that the intellectual development of vocational students
tended to be limited at a relatively early age. Another result
was that students so trained were ill-equipped to pass skills along in the workplace or to learn new skills when their jobs
disappeared through technological change. High schools in the United544442 States then, offered little to students who were interested
in technical subjects (conceived as subjects that offer close harmony
in the more or less simultaneous interplay of theory and
practice).
In addition, programs were established within vocational education
which further segregated students by subject matter. This
segregation into Agriculture, Homemaking, and Trade and Industrial
Education segments in the initial legislation has persisted
for most of this century. The effect of this separate designation was
more than basic distinctions among academic classes such
as history and mathematics. These programs were distinguished not only
from the "academic" but were implemented in such a
matter as to distinguish each program from all other vocational
programs. The impact of this separation has been felt through
subsequent decades in the development of separate teacher training
programs, separate teacher organizations, and separate
student organizations. Even within vocational education, the impetus
in the original Act led to splintered programs.
Smith Hughes Through the Years
The policies and positions taken by the Congress in their enactment of
Smith-Hughes have been extraordinarily powerful forces
in determining the current status of vocational education. Remarkably,
these central segregating and separating provisions have
proven to be largely impervious to change in spite of the large-scale
shifts in emphasis which have occurred since its original
enactment. In fact, these provisions were later augmented and
reinforced by subsequent actions. It will be useful to examine
briefly how the emphasis on vocational-technical education has been
altered through the years.
While the policy emphasis at the Federal level moved from the original
focus on national defense to the severe unemployment
problems in the 1930s, Federal influence in vocational programs
remained largely unchanged. However a significant change did
occur in the 30's -- the emphasis on vocational courses in what were
then called "junior colleges" (which later evolved into
community colleges).
In the next decade, the War Production Training Act, as implemented by
the War Manpower Commission introduced the
concept of "open-entry, open-exit" programs. A collateral Federal
effort was the Rural War Production Training Act which
emphasized agriculture related programs. By this time it had become
abundantly clear that within vocational-technical education
three restricted and restrictive program tracks were in force: a
general education effort, a vocational education program, and
various job training programs.
During the 1940s and 50s, the program of vocational education which
had developed in the early 1900s from the need to "train
boys and girls for work," envisioned as national defense strategy in
the 20s, focused on unemployment in the 30s, now
encountered both the need to assist with the war effort during the
40s, and the need to provide a transition to a peace-time
economy. During this period and into the 1960s, States experienced
first the burgeoning of industry related to the war effort,
and later, growth in the junior college system and adult education.
Influences on vocational education during the 1950s were characterized
by light industries springing from new technology, the
emergence of the health occupations careers, and the inclusion of work
experience as an appropriate part of public education.
In addition, social policy at the Federal level led to two amendments
to the George Barden Act of 1946. The first amendment,
Title II, Vocational Education in Practical Nursing, was a reflection
of a Congressional interest in "the health of the people."
Several years later, Title VIII sought to stimulate technical training
programs in the wake of the launching of Sputnik.
During the 1960s, vocational education experienced especially heavy
enrollment growth. All the while, technological advances
were producing increasing employment dislocation. The gap between the
affluent and the disadvantaged widened; poverty in
areas of economic depression could not be ignored. Congress responded
by enacting the Manpower Development and
Training Act of 1961 (MDTA), followed by the Vocational Education Act
of 1963 (VEA). It is surprising to note that almost
50 years after the Smith-Hughes Act, in spite of all the intervening
changes, the definition and purpose of vocational education
as set out in the new VEA remained largely the same.
In sum, the essential nature of Federal vocational education remained
constant from 1917 until 1963, though authorizations for
Federal allocations were raised under both the George-Barden Act of
1946 and the National Defense Education Act of 1958.
Measured in terms of dollars and enrollment, this early form of
categorical assistance was successful. In 1917, just before
implementation of Smith-Hughes, there were 200,000 vocational students
in the United States and something less than $3
million dollars was spent annually on their training. Forty years
later, enrollment had increased to 3.4 million students and
expenditures stood at $176 million. Smith-Hughes required dollar for
dollar matching of Federal money by the States, local
governments, or some combination thereof. As the decade of the 1950's
closed--the last decade for the Smith-Hughes version
of categorical intervention--Federal funds were over-matched by both
State and local funds, taken separately.
On the central, most traditional dimensions, the Smith-Hughes formulas
had to be considered an enormous success by its
strongest advocates. It had directly pumped hundreds of millions of
dollars into the vocational education system. Its matching
requirements had generated hundreds of millions of additional State
and local funds all devoted to vocational education
programs. Even more impressively, vocational education enrollments had
grown seventeen fold.
During this period of phenomenal growth, the whole arena of vocational
education policy was left pretty much to the vocational
education practitioners. There are several reasons for this
phenomenon. Historically, vocational-technical education has not
been a high priority area for the typical education reformer. Much
more attention has been given over the years by education
reformers and policy makers to concerns over the quality of
preparation for postsecondary education. Several factors
contributed to this "benign neglect." Most educators in positions to
exercise authority at Federal, State or local levels have little
or no experience with vocational education. Additionally, the academic
research community has shown scant interest to the
issues facing vocational education. Finally, until recently, there
have been few pressures from the community to materially
change the way vocational education is offered. As a result, policy
influences affecting vocational education have been left,
almost by default, to vocational educators. Because the Federal
purposes in vocational education appeared to coincide so
closely with the wishes of the vocational education community, i. e.,
to protect and expand practical training in secondary
schools in the United States against the assumed opposition of the
academic elite, the Federal acts were, practically speaking,
self-enforcing.
William Saunders
William_Saunders@ed.gov
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